ستاسې معلومات د کرنيل د کتاب پر بنسټ دي.The WUFA
Special Issue: 4 April 1995
The Writers Union of Free Afghanistan (AUFA)

The rise of Taliban

Dr. Sher Zaman Taizai

While the main pretenders for the thorny throne of Kabul, Professor Burhanuddin Rabbani and Engineer Gulbadin Hikmatyar, were still locked in fighting, also involving Gilam-jam of Rashid Dostum, Ittahad-e-Islami of Ustad Sayyaf and Wahdat of Shia community, a new group of fighters, called Taliban, emerged to challenge both the main contenders and complicating the ongoing civil war in Afghanistan. Whatever the Taliban leaders claim and say, but it cannot be denied that they have jumped, all of a sudden, in the battle field for release of the Pakistani convoy captured in Kandahar by some local commanders on the plea that it had entered Afghanistan without proper prior approval.

After the successful visit of Major General (retd) Naseerullah Khan Babar last September, a convoy of 30 trucks, commanded by a colonel of the secret services of Pakistan, loaded with food items, medicine and other consumers goods was dispatched, in the first week of November, on the prescribed route. It was a gift from Pakistan to earn goodwill of the people of Afghanistan, Uzbekistan and Turkemenistan. That convoy was stopped at Taghar Gala, 15 Kilometers from Kandahar, held by some Afghan Mujahideen groups which were engaged in perpetual hostility. The food was looted there and then.

Then, all of a sudden, the group of Taliban (students of religious schools) appeared on the scene. They got the convoy released and overran those legendary commanders who fought for nearly 14 years against the superpower (superpower) of the former Soviet Union and claim to have destroyed it. Now within one week, those commanders faced a humiliating defeat and fled away, leaving hundreds of fighters dead and many more injured in the field with dumps of small and heavy weapons behind.

The Taliban did not stop there but moved on, captured almost the entire south-western belt, comprising nine provinces, populated by the Pakhtuns without any resistance. And then they captured the two strongholds of Hizb-i-Islami (Hikmatyar) – Maidan Shahr and Charasiab. The defence of Maidan Shahr in Wardak province was commanded personally by Engineer Gulbadin Hikmatyar, and Charasiab was vacated in such a hurry that some valuable items including personal luxury land- cruisers were also left behind with dumps of heavy arms. Then they turned towards the Hizb-i-Wahdat, an ally of Hizb-i-Islami, which was just squeezed between the Taliban and Rabbani forces. Hizb-i-Wahdat also vacated their positions for them, paving way for their march of Kabul.

Their unexpected success tempted glory-seekers, and some religious politicians of Pakistan, particularly Maulana Sami-ul-Haq came out with boastful claims that the Taliban belonged to their madrassas which were closed to let the students join the ranks. The initial estimated strength of 2,000 at Kandahar swelled to over 25,000 on Kabul front commanded by Maulvi Borjan.

While Mohmoud Mestiri was in Kabul for implementation of his peace proposal for transfer of power by March 21 (corresponding to the New Year of Afghanistan) from Rabbani to a broad-based interim government under the leadership of Sultan Mahmoud Ghazi, the Taliban brandished their own wishful proposals, and stressed more on surrender of arms and handing over of Kabul to them.

The Taliban issued their last warning on Feb. 19 to UN envoy Mahmoud Mesiri to effect ouster of Ahmad Shah Masood’s troops from Kabul failing which they would attack the capital. Mufti Masoom Afghani, a Taliban spokesman at Chaman warned that if Masood forces did not withdraw, they would attack Kabul. The statements and warnings were not comprehensible at al. Why and how should the holders of Kabul offer Kabul on silver plate to Taliban, after such a long and gruesome bloodshed, and what was the status of the UN envoy to be served with such a warning!

Removal of the Hizb-i-Islami from Charasiab and squeezing of the Hizb-i-Wahdat bt Taliban were the acts of blessing in disguise for Burhanuddin Rabbani who was prompted to think of procrastination of the transfer of power. He offered to Taliban a share in power to upset the plan. His spokesman Aziz Morad told some journalists: “The Taliban are the side which we should have to deal with, as they are the power”. In his words reported in Pakistani press; “Recent defeats in Kabul of the anti-Rabbani alliance headed by Hikmatyar of Hizb-i-Islami, Dostum of Junbish-i-Milli and Abdul Ali Mazari of Hizb-i-Wahdat (Shia) meant that the alliance was no longer a force of equal power. In view of recent transformation, Hikmatyar, Dostum and Mazari are now out of the military and political scene. These factions have become marginalised in the Afghan power-play and have been limited by Rabbani. If they are included in the mechanism, they will just have a symbolic presence. If they Taliban demand to come to Kabul, we are ready to have a joint force, not only for the security of Kabul, but for the whole country as well”.

Thus, the peace plan of Mestiri stumbled again against the tough rock of selfishness and tribalist ago. In the meantime, General (retd) Hameed Gul, former Chief of ISI, was also busy, in low profile, for sorting out ways and means for the rapprochement between the warring factions. The camp in Pakistan behind his struggle expressed its disapproval of the mission of the UN envoy. There was another episode of unassuming jealousy between the peace-making missions.

At this point, one has to consider the view of Rafiq Afghan (Weekly Takbeer; March 02, 1995, Karachi; Pp.17-20) who dubbed Taliban as Mahmoud Mestiri militia to sabotage the peace plan of former ISI Chief Hameed Gul. He apprehended that the proposed 30-members interim government comprised 19 pro-Zahir Shah.

On March 11, Rabbani forces claimed that the Taliban were pushed back to a distance from which rockets could not fall on Kabul. They were pushed out of the southern parts of Kabul. Since the fall of the communist regime, the whole city, thus, came under the control of the government for the first time. Early in the morning of March 19, 1995, the government troops launched a lightning attack at Charasiab which was left by Taliban without resistance, on way to Pule Alam. Abdul Wadood, a lieutenant of Ahmad Shah Masood, claimed that about 150 Taliban had died.

Another ghastly part of this drama was the murder of Abdul Ali Mazari leader of the Hizb-i-Wahdat and nine other Shias on June 13 in captivity. They had been captured earlier by Taliban at Charasiab. Six Taliban were also killed in the brawl. In the meantime, Lt. Gen. Ghulam Farooq of the Kabul government was killed in a rocket attack. Since then, the shrieking echo of heroism of Taliban has faded down in to whimpers, and heard only from remote recesses of the country.

In Pakistan, a controversy cropped up between the politico-religious parties, which, however, ebbed down with the changing situation. Addressing a meeting of the workers of the Jamaat Islami at the Jamia Ahya-ul-Ulum, Prang, Charsadda on Feb. 19, 1995, Professor Muhammad Ibrahim, provincial Amir of Jamaat Islami, said; “Taliban were organised by the European countries and backed by the communist forces who were paying 300 dollars to each member per month. “Similar statements were attributed in the press to Hikmatyar also. On the other hand, Maulana Samil-ul-Haq, leader of Jamiat-ul-Uluma-e-Islam (S), considered this phenomenal achievement an hour for his madrassas which had produced the Taliban. Maulana Fazl Rahman also approved it, although silently.

Rafiq Afghan has come out with detailed arguments with his own viewpoint which appeared in weekly Takbeer of March 02, 1995 (PP. 17-20). Resume of his article is produced here-in-under:
“The American CIA is involved in raising the Taliban through the British diplomats who have good knowledge about the people of Afghanistan against whom they had fought three wars. The British diplomats selected two Maulvis of JUI (F & S) who had strong links across the border. Beside financial assistance they were given such vehicles which were equipped with most modern communication system. After that they were noticed on regular errands to Kandahar. For one year they struggled constantly, contacted pro-Zahir commanders of Kandahar, assuring them necessary assistance, and met regularly the maulvis of the madrassas along the border. Then it was decided to raise the Taliban force”.

“In 1994, an office in the name OPD, headed by an Afghan named Bahlol, was opened at Peshawar for the UN peace mission. That office announced recruitment for peace army in Afghanistan. Commanders were offered 500 dollars and fighters 300 dollars. That Office was closed on complaints of the Hizb-i-Islami and some other Afghan organisations which considered it interference in the affairs of Afghanistan. Then Bahlol shilfted to Kandahar”.

The Taliban are composed of: (a) former Khalqi trained and experienced officers, including General Shah Nawaz Tani, who have now grown beards and wear turbans. They draw schemes and handle heavy arms, (b) commanders and Mujahideen who have some grievances against their respective parties, including Qari Baba a commander of Harakat Inqilab-i-Islami and governor of Ghazni, (c) students of religious madrassas in Balochistan and the frontier to provide cover to the real fighter. The madrassas of both JUI factions (F and S) were closed a few months earlier to let their students to reinforce them.

Some leaders of religious and political parties of Pakistan have been given heavy amounts for abatement in this conspiracy which is aimed at destruction of poppy crops in Kandahar, Hilmand, Nemroz and Uruzgan provinces through these Taliban.

Interior Minister Naseerullah Babar, accompanied by European diplomats, visited Kandahar and Heart. At their insistence, he discussed, with commanders of those two provinces, opening of the road to Central Asia via Kandahar and Heart for the Western trade. The corps commander of Kandahar Mullah Naqib and governor of Heart, Ismail Khan, both belonging to Jamiat Islami, expressed inability to negotiate the issue without the consent of other commanders and groups on the way. On return, Babar met Maulana Fazal Rahman. The latter went to Jalalabad in October 94 to meet Mullah Naqib, Ismail Khan, Burhanuddin Rabbani and leader of Ittehad-e-Islami of Abdul Rab Rasul Sayyaf. There the rise discussed. Consequently, convoy of goods moved from Pakistan for Central Asia.

Radio Kabul, monitored by daily Wahdat, Peshawar (March 17, 1995), identified Mullah Borjan, who was commanding the Taliban on the front of Kabul, that he was a Khurd Zabit (JCO) in Daud regime and was raised to the rank of General after the Saur revolution, because he was a Khalqi.

The doubts about participation of trained and experienced Khalqi army officers in the operation are substantiated by the tactics and use of heavy arms and plans. But who are fighting for Rabbani, Dostum and Hikmatyar? Kabul is still held by those troops which were stationed there at the time of mutiny against Najib in 1992.

The Taliban received such a publicity within a short span of time that even the UN representatives considered their existence and role in the futile exercise for restoration of peace, although, the declarations from their leaders were more stringent than those of the dreadful fundamentalists. This part of the game substantiates the doubts that Taliban have a hidden hand to pull their strings and make the show worth contemplation. It is just unbelievable that all this could happen without a well-planned scheme. These Taliban are the students of religious schools in Pakistan and Afghanistan.

Do these religious schools impart guerrilla training to their students or conceptual religious education? In Pakistan, the religious institutes are running with charities from unidentified devotees. And they have now quite a perceptible share in the wave of sectarian violence in Pakistan. But handling of the heavy warfare on the ground and in the air by the religious students, without skills and financial resources, can fit well only in the magic-lamp stories of the Arabian Nights!

The role of espionage played by some enthusiasts, ad played up innocently by the prompters, is an indicator of the fact that the students are trained in the field, and that the madrassas run on charities are treated as schools for raising spies and agents for the unidentified donors.

The Afghan intellectuals have been grumbling for quite a long time that the chaotic civil war in Afghanistan was prolonged by foreign interference. They mention Saudi Arabia, Iran and Pakistan to be playing the game. What is done along the northern frontiers is less known on this side. But the former Soviet republics of Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Turkomenistan and Qirghizia, now parts of the so-called Russian commonwealth should not be expected to watch and enjoy the game silently. Their unobtrusive interference in the adjacent parts continues. Of late, the tilt of Rabbani towards India is now an open secret. Presence of an Indian lobby in Afghanistan would definitely work for exploiting the situation against Pakistan to open a new front of uncertainty and violence on its western frontiers.

What the Taliban gained and what they lost is yet to be ascertained. But they have certainly turned the table against Gulbadin Hikmatyar and have done much favour to Burhanuddin Rabbani who is sticking to power against the wind. Rabbani is not a mandated and competent head of state. He is like a scarecrow hoisted by the well-trained army of the communist era now entrenched in Kabul to defend it for its own survival. He cannot abdicate power on his own even if he wishes so, but is rather forced to stick to it to cover the defenders of Kabul. It is also doubted that this army might be able to extend its sphere of rule or influence to other parts in foreseeable time.

This game exposed the shallowness of the political organisations trumpeted so far in high pitch by their prompters and supporters. The feudo-tribal nature tilts towards the power. Once a pretender stumbles, he loses promptly his supporters and allies. So, it will be difficult now for Hikmatyar to restore his image.

Hence, the pendulum of horror and terror will swing indefinitely, and Afghanistan will continue to groan miserably in the civil war which mat spill over its frontiers gradually. It is, therefore, the responsibility of the surrounding neighbouring countries to find out a way for its salvation, and check in time, the speculated wave of lawlessness in their own territories.